Catholic Archbishop of Lagos Alfred Adewale Martins (C) leads a march to protest against victims of violent attacks across the country in Lagos, on May 22, 2018.
Image: AFP
Clyde N.S. Ramalaine
In the vast and fractured landscape of Nigeria, violence has become as common as sunrise. Beneath euphemisms like “communal clashes,” “banditry,” or “farmer–herder conflicts,” lies a chilling reality: a disproportionate number of the dead are Christians.
For years, church networks and rights groups have sounded the alarm on what they term a Christian genocide. Others, including scholars and analysts, urge caution, arguing that the term requires demonstrable intent and coordination. Yet as the dead multiply and Christian communities vanish from ancestral lands, Nigeria’s tragedy festers in moral ambiguity, trapped between denial and definition.
This tension between the magnitude of suffering and the rigour of legal semantics has paralysed both global conscience and state accountability. What unfolds in Nigeria is not merely another chapter of African instability; it is a crisis of moral witness, where silence itself has become a collaborator in atrocity.
The Geography of Grief
In Nigeria’s Middle Belt, Benue, Plateau, Kaduna, and Taraba, entire Christian farming villages have been attacked, razed, and depopulated. In the northeast, Boko Haram and ISWAP wage jihadist terror against Christians and dissenting Muslims alike. In the northwest, “bandits” roam freely, kidnapping, raping, and killing.
Recent data from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) and Nigeria’s National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA) show that more than 3,000 Christians were killed in 2023 alone, with over two million internally displaced persons (IDPs) across the Middle Belt, figures rivalling recognised humanitarian crises elsewhere.
When the dust settles, the ruins are disproportionately Christian: burnt churches, displaced congregations, desecrated altars, and orphaned communities. Organisations such as Genocide Watch, Christian Solidarity International, and the International Society for Civil Liberties and Rule of Law estimate that over 50,000 Christians have been killed since 2009. Though figures differ, the pattern is unmistakable: worshippers slain in prayer, pastors executed, and villages systematically erased.
Yet data projects like ACLED and the Council on Foreign Relations’ Nigeria Security Tracker urge nuance: Muslim civilians also suffer grievously, often in the same areas. Violence in Nigeria is multi-causal, fed by ethnicity, climate stress, poverty, and criminality as much as ideology. The truth lies at this grim intersection, a national crisis where religion is both cause and cover, weapon and wound.
What Makes a Genocide?
Genocide requires proof of intent to destroy a group “in whole or in part.” In Nigeria, there is no explicit evidence, official decrees, recorded orders, or systematic state plans. Perpetrators, whether jihadists, Fulani militias, or criminal gangs, operate in fragmented networks rather than under a central command.
Yet to cling to legal formalism while communities are annihilated is moral evasion. The absence of a signed plan does not erase the reality of coordinated extermination by default. Christians in Nigeria face genocidal conditions: existence tied to displacement, faith criminalised by geography, and worship replaced by fear. Whether ideological or opportunistic, the consequence is the same: the erasure of Christian presence from vast tracts of the nation.
The Politics of Silence
Why, then, is the world so muted? Because Nigeria is too big to confront and too strategic to offend. Western governments couch their language in the comfort of “complex conflict,” wary of calling it religious persecution. Abuja is a counterterrorism ally; to label it a stage for genocide would expose diplomatic hypocrisy.
African leaders stay quiet out of solidarity or self-preservation. To acknowledge religious persecution in Nigeria would invite scrutiny of their own records. Within Nigeria, officials hide behind bureaucratic evasions, “unknown gunmen,” “bandits,” “communal clashes”, terms that strip atrocity of agency and moral weight.
Meanwhile, the global media’s neglect deepens the wound. While Gaza, Ukraine, and Myanmar dominate headlines, the slow dismemberment of Nigeria’s Christian communities rarely makes front pages. African suffering, it seems, remains negotiable in the hierarchy of global empathy.
This silence is not born of ignorance but of selective courage. Western governments protect alliances; African regimes protect themselves; international NGOs protect neutrality; and even parts of the Church protect comfort. Thus, denial becomes complicity, the polite vocabulary of diplomacy masking the vocabulary of death.
A Church That Must Speak
Perhaps the most painful quiet is the ecclesial one. Nigeria, with one of the world’s largest Christian populations, is vibrant, prayerful, and resilient, yet its collective voice is fractured.
Globally, the Church has not mobilised with the urgency shown for believers in the Middle East or Asia. There is no unified advocacy, no sustained prophetic campaign. In this silence, the Church betrays its own theology, forgetting that the Cross binds believers into one suffering body. There is also a theological silence, the hush of Western churches that sermonise on justice in Palestine but not on persecution in Plateau. They prefer safe compassion, uncontroversial charity. To speak selectively for the suffering is to make injustice fashionable.
Muslim Democrats and Human Rights Activists Must Also Speak
The moral burden cannot rest on the Church alone. The silence of global and Nigerian Muslim democrats, reformists, and rights activists is equally deafening. Many courageously oppose extremism in principle, yet too few confront its sectarian application against Christians.
True democracy demands consistency. The same moral clarity used to condemn Islamophobia in Europe must apply when Christians are massacred in Benue or Kaduna. Muslim scholars and civic leaders who denounce Boko Haram must go further, to reclaim Islam from those who spill blood in its name, insisting that such violence is both un-Islamic and anti-human.
Human rights organisations, too, must abandon linguistic hedging. To describe systematic religious slaughter as “communal violence” is to participate in concealment. Rights are indivisible: to ignore persecution based on faith is to betray the very idea of human rights.
Nigeria needs a new moral coalition, Muslims and Christians, believers and secularists, united in declaring that killing in God’s name is blasphemy against humanity. Only such interfaith integrity can heal the nation’s moral fracture.
Trump’s Rhetoric and the Politics of Moral Intervention
Former U.S. President Donald Trump’s recent claim that America “could send troops or carry out air strikes in Nigeria” to halt the “very large numbers” of Christians being killed thrusts the issue into the global theatre. His rhetoric positions the U.S. as a moral defender of faith and pressures Abuja to act. It resonates with his conservative base and exposes the vacuum left by global inaction.
Yet it must be noted that U.S. administrations have long weaponised “religious freedom” rhetoric for strategic ends, often with selective empathy. Still, even a politicised truth remains truth: Nigeria’s Christians are being slaughtered, and global outrage is grossly disproportionate.
Trump’s remarks thus reveal a deeper indictment, not merely of Nigerian governance, but of a world that decides whose pain counts. They expose the moral bankruptcy of a human rights architecture where some lives remain negotiable, others disposable.
The Moral Imperative of Witness
Whether or not international jurists name it genocide, Nigeria’s agony has already met the test of conscience. The systematic destruction of Christian communities cannot be sanitised by data tables or euphemism. Each burnt church and mass grave testifies against a world that measures tragedy by political convenience.
Silence, in this context, is not neutrality; it is participation. Diplomats who debate terminology, media that underreport, and faith leaders who pray without protest all become accomplices in slow-motion extermination.
Nigeria’s Christians do not ask for pity but for recognition, that their blood be named truthfully, not as collateral damage in an “ethnic conflict,” but as victims of targeted elimination. The moral test of our age will not be whether we defined Nigeria’s tragedy correctly in law, but whether we confronted it in truth.
It is time to name the suffering, confront the silence, and act before an unacknowledged genocide completes itself in the shadows of our diplomacy.
* Clyde N.S. Ramalaine is a theologian, political analyst, lifelong social and economic justice activist, published author, poet, and freelance writer.
** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.