FORMER ANC President Nelson Mandela and Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda wave to the crowd at a mass ANC rally held in Lusaka, Zambia on March 3, 1990. Mandela was attending his first ANC National Executive Committee meeting following the unbanning of the liberation movement and his release from prison. Picture: Walter Dhladhla (AFP)

Reneva Fourie

Liberation movements in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region are at a critical juncture, necessitating a drastic acceleration of interventions that address the needs of the historically oppressed.

Recent electoral outcomes underscore the urgency of this action. In Zimbabwe's August elections last year, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) President Emmerson Mnangagwa narrowly won re-election, capturing 52.6% of the votes compared to Nelson Chamisa of the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), who received 44.03%.

Meanwhile, this year, former liberation movements that evolved into governing parties in South Africa, Mozambique and Namibia, as well as the former governing party of Botswana faced similar electoral pressures. While some managed to hold onto power, they are experiencing dwindling support, particularly from the youth, who now prioritise good governance and economic performance over historical legacies.

The 2024 general elections in the SADC region highlighted the fragility and dynamism of its political landscapes. Once regarded as formidable, liberation movements now encounter significant challenges from voters who demand accountability, equity and modernisation.

Ruling parties with roots in liberation struggles – such as the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa, Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Frelimo) in Mozambique, South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO) in Namibia are increasingly facing substantial electoral opposition.

The Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) in Botswana, the party of Sir Seretse Khama, has dramatically lost the recent election after having ruled since the country’s independence.

Key issues such as high unemployment rates, economic inequality and inadequate service delivery emerge as central themes in all elections. The growing discontent, particularly among the youth, indicates that political parties failing to adequately address these issues may face further difficulties in future elections.

These challenges reflect a broader regional trend, in which liberation movements struggle to align their historical legacies with contemporary demands for accountable governance and economic justice. For the region's marginalised populations, the elections symbolise an ongoing quest for representation and tangible improvements in living conditions.

In Zimbabwe, the adverse effects of sanctions and the subsequent hyperinflation under ZANU-PF have significantly undermined the party's legitimacy. Widespread unemployment and poverty have prompted voters to call for change. Similarly, in South Africa, the ANC is confronting ongoing issues of inequality, unemployment and poverty, resulting in a disillusioned electorate, particularly among the youth, who feel that the promises of liberation remain unfulfilled.

The ANC's decline in support was starkly evident in the May 29 general elections, where it managed to secure only 40% of the vote with an electoral voter turnout of 58.6%. This situation underscores a fracture within the party's traditional base, particularly marked by the electoral boycott from impoverished and working-class communities. These communities perceive government policies as neglecting their needs. Given the fragmented political landscape and its governing alliance with neocolonial political parties, the ANC is now at risk of further electoral decline.

Mozambique held its general elections on October 9, which included elections for the presidency, the national Parliament, and provincial assemblies. Despite Frelimo's relatively solid electoral performance, stark socio-economic disparities remain, with those in rural areas still having insufficient access to education, healthcare and infrastructure.

The government's struggle to contain the insurgency in Cabo Delgado, located in the northern part of the country, has worsened humanitarian issues, displacing over a million people. Although Frelimo campaigns frequently emphasise economic growth initiatives, systemic pressures dampen the hope for significant improvement in the lives of people experiencing poverty.

In a contrasting development, Botswana's ruling BDP faced an unexpected electoral defeat on October 30, signalling rising discontent despite its longstanding governance. Although the economy has traditionally been stable, a downturn in the diamond market combined with increasing unemployment has raised doubts about the BDP's capacity to meet the needs of its citizens, contributing to this surprising electoral setback.

The BDP saw its share of seats plummet to just 4 out of 61 directly elected seats in the 69-member Parliament, making it the smallest party in the new legislature. In contrast, the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), a centre-left to left-wing alliance, significantly increased its seat count from 15 to 36. While the opposition's success sparks optimism for change, deep-rooted systemic issues and economies reliant on resources pose serious barriers.

In Namibia, SWAPO is increasingly perceived as being out of touch with the socioeconomic struggles faced by the populace, particularly the youth who are struggling with high unemployment and economic exclusion.

Despite her historic achievement of becoming Namibia's first woman president, SWAPO's candidate, Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah, faced significant hurdles in securing the support of young and urban voters. Recent election results highlight a decline in SWAPO's longstanding dominance, with opposition parties like the Independent Patriots for Change (IPC) gaining traction.

Furthermore, when evaluating the electoral performance of former liberation movements in the SADC, the autocratic governance and dismal human rights record of Eswatini's King Mswati III cannot be overlooked. The monarchy's systematic suppression of democracy, along with restrictions on freedom of speech, assembly and association, has been coupled with brutal repression such as the incarceration, torture, and assassination of political opponents.

Additionally, while the nation remains one of the poorest in the region, his misuse of state resources for personal luxury has contributed to significant instability within this landlocked kingdom.

A significant portion of the region's population is young, thus their frustration with stagnant economies and limited opportunities has emerged as a fundamental political issue. As these countries enter the post-election phase, the repercussions of both ruling and opposition parties not fulfilling their promises will influence the future of democracy and development in the SADC region. Parties that neglect to address these critical concerns may jeopardise their relevance in upcoming elections.

The meeting of Secretary Generals of former liberation movements, as reported by the ANC Secretary General, is a significant development. A coordination forum of this nature is crucial for providing unified support to address the emerging challenges of governance. Furthermore, the forum could be instrumental in fostering active citizen engagement in governance, including fostering a genuine democracy in Eswatini.

* Dr Reneva Fourie is a policy analyst specialising in governance, development and security.

** The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect the views of The African.

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