Thousands flooded the streets of Buenos Aires on December 20 on the anniversary of the 2001 uprising and to reject the economic austerity of President Javier Milei. Organised labour can serve as an infrastructure for mobilisation and a counterbalance to democratic backsliding, the writer says. – Picture: Resumen Latinoamericano / Taken December 20, 2023.
By Liam Crisan
This March, Argentina’s school year began with empty classrooms. The price of learning materials rose by 502 percent over the past year, leaving many children unprepared for the year to come. And the teachers? On strike after President Javier Milei announced deep cuts to their salaries.
There’s something much larger happening here: Workers rights are under attack in an already vastly unequal society. Labour income inequality has been on the decline in many Latin American countries like Chile, Colombia, and Mexico. In Argentina, it’s been on the rise.
Since the 1960s, Argentina has been in an unprecedented period of macroeconomic instability. Stagnating in the lead-up to, and during, the dictatorship years (1976-1983), the country’s economy has reeled from crisis upon crisis — punctuated with the occasional period of recovery and growth. As the decades wore on, public distrust and discontent produced a deep social divide. Argentines call this phenomenon la grieta (“the rift”).
During his successful presidential bid last year, Milei seized upon these conditions. TV personality and self-proclaimed anarcho-capitalist, the eccentric economist promised to correct Argentina’s path and make what he called the “political caste” pay for their mismanagement of the country. Wielding a chainsaw while he campaigned, Milei vowed to eliminate state ministries, abolish the central bank, roll back abortion rights, and dollarise the economy.
As one Argentine told a journalist, “The caste doesn’t take the train nor any form of public transit. We workers and students do.”
Now that he’s had a chance to implement his platform, working families — not an elite “political caste” — are footing the bill for his far-right economic project.
In the two months before Milei took office in December, inflation was running between 143 and 161 percent. In February, inflation soared to more than 254 percent and the poverty rate reached 57 percent — the highest in decades.
Argentina’s labour movement has quickly mobilised widespread and effective opposition to his policies. While strikes and protests continue, we can already begin to draw lessons on resisting the far-right’s rise worldwide.
Milei takes a chainsaw to workers’ rights
After taking office on December 10, 2023, Milei acted swiftly. Declaring, “There is no alternative to shock”, the president immediately devalued the peso by 50 percent, lifted price controls, and dissolved half of the country’s ministries.
Milei’s government then launched an offensive on workers’ rights. On December 14, the newly appointed minister of security announced a new protest protocol. Consolidating control of Argentina’s security forces and creating a registry for organisations suspected of “instigating”, the protocol allowed federal forces to use increased surveillance and violence.
Days later, Milei signed the “Decree of Necessity and Urgency 70/2023”. Dubbed the megadecreto (“mega-decree”) for its sweeping scope — cutting severance pay, weakening collective bargaining rights, deregulating the rental market, and otherwise undermining existing protections — the 366-article document is an unconstitutional abuse of executive powers.
Making matters worse, Milei cut public subsidies on utilities and transportation. Hypocrisy shone through his already vague definition of the “political caste”. As one Argentine told a journalist, “The caste doesn’t take the train nor any form of public transit. We workers and students do.”
Milei’s aggressive measures roused a prompt response from Argentine labour. In late December, the country’s largest unions announced plans for a January 24 general strike — the quickest to be organised under any president since Argentina’s return to democracy in 1983.
Millions Join the General Strike
Forty-five days after Milei took office, 1.5 million Argentines took to the streets. Workers from all sectors joined the strike: transit, aviation, government, banking, and sanitation, just to name a few.
“Not one step back,” one associated union declared on the day of the strike, “for the unity of the workers movement is essential in protecting the rights we’ve achieved.”
The protesters’ outrage centred on Milei’s Omnibus Bill. The proposed legislation contained sweeping changes to Argentina’s economic and political structure, including the privatisation of state-owned companies and an unprecedented expansion of executive powers.
The bill would also codify Milei’s unpopular “mega-decree”.
At their best, unions provide checks on abuses of executive power and ensure that working people always have political representation — no matter who occupies the presidential palace.
“[Milei’s ‘mega-decree’] destroys individual rights of workers, collective rights, and seeks to eliminate the possibility of union action at a time in which we have great inequality in society” said Héctor Daer, the secretary general of the General Confederation of Labour. One of the world’s largest unions, the CGT represents roughly two-thirds of Argentina’s unionised workforce.
Shortly after the strike ended, the National Congress of Argentina rejected Milei’s Omnibus Bill. Initially approved by the Chamber of Deputies in a 144 to 109 vote, majority support faltered when it came time for an article-by-article review.
The first Omnibus Bill consisted of 664 articles. Now, two months later, they are struggling to push an amended 269-article version — with hefty concessions for the left.
Milei’s uncompromising approach played no small role in killing his first Omnibus Bill. But the general strike served a critical blow to his already weak coalition.
Aftermath in Argentina, implications abroad
Beyond their victories in the streets, Argentine labour has also made notable gains in the courts. Successfully challenging the legality of Milei’s “mega-decree”, the General Confederation of Labour blocked the roll-out of several critical anti-worker measures.
Following January’s general strike, February and March witnessed a patchwork of smaller strikes, placing continued pressure on the government. The most recent have come in the aviation, healthcare, and education sectors. The Argentine Workers’ Central Union (a federation with 1.2 million members) held a “national day of struggle” on March 12 — and united with other groups to block 500 roads throughout the country on March 18. More strikes were planned for March 28.
On March 14, the Senate voted down the Decree of Necessity and Urgency. Though the “mega-decree” remains in force unless the lower house also opts to reject, the upper house vote represents another massive blow to Milei’s government.
This year will be a defining moment for democracy. Whether that’s for the better or for the worse, it’s up to us.
Instrumental in defeating Milei’s first Omnibus Bill — and otherwise slowing the pace of his anti-worker disaster project — Argentine labour’s recent victories offer an important reminder: Working-class people are a potent political force.
These victories also offer lessons in resisting the far-right’s rise worldwide: Organised labour can serve as an infrastructure for mobilisation and a counterbalance to democratic backsliding. At their best, unions provide checks on abuses of executive power and ensure that working people always have political representation — no matter who occupies the presidential palace.
With nearly 30 percent of the workforce unionised, the labour movement is strong in Argentina. The United States hasn’t seen that degree of union density since the 1950s, though now the tide might be turning.
With 64 countries holding national elections in 2024, this year will be a watershed moment in world history. And with the far right on the rise, there’s never been a more critical time to mobilise in defence of dignity and democracy.
Here in the United States, there are over 85 million poor or low-income eligible voters. As Inequality.org’s co-editor Sarah Anderson writes, “If this bloc voted at the same rate as higher-income voters, they could sway elections in every state.”
The Poor People’s Campaign is working to mobilise this often-ignored voting bloc. With 42 weeks of action, the campaign aims to propel working-class concerns to the centre stage of U.S. politics and draw more infrequent voters into democratic engagement.
This year will be a defining moment for democracy. Whether that’s for the better or for the worse, it’s up to us. History will judge.
Liam Crisan is an Inequality.org next leader.
This article was published on Common Dreams
